An autocrat and his alibi
The timing of the formation of a government apparently now depends upon a depressed and inexperienced public prosecutor, at least according the president.
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"Then there came a moment when the first shock had worn off and when, in spite of everything-in spite of their terror of the dogs, and of the habit, developed through long years, of never complaining, never criticising, no matter what happened-they might have uttered some word of protest. But just at that moment, as though at a signal, all the sheep burst out into a tremendous bleating of "Four legs good, two legs better! Four legs good, two legs better! Four legs good, two legs better!" ..."
In the past twenty four hours, the president has reinforced the suspicion that the state prosecutor and his ongoing investigations are nothing more than the means by which to justify an unscrupulous grab for power.
Miloš Zeman stated in parliament yesterday that he would wait until Ištvan had “solved the Nagyová case” before attempting to form a second government in the event that his first attempt failed -which of course it did last night.
Rather than protect the prosecutor from political interference, which is the president’s stated intention, Zeman would make the formation of a government dependent upon him and the outcome of his investigation. This places the prosecutor under extreme political pressure NOT to solve the case in good time, or indeed at all.
The perfect "cartel-ian" outcome no less. Zeman consolidates his dominance over his political rivals, who lose power but stay out of jail. Czech politicians do not imprison each other. This is not Russia or the Ukraine.
I have never doubted the willingness of Ištvan’s would-be protectors as well as his actual detractors to compromise the independence of the public prosecutor. But like many of you I cling to the somewhat forlorn hope that the prosecutor is acting in good faith, and not on the orders or the go-ahead of the head of state. It is a cruel irony that the verbal attacks against Ištvan by Kalousek, Blažek and others have served only to make the intentions of the president’s protection of Ištvan appear authentically democratic.
It now seems much more probable that Ištvan is merely a presidential tool, an exceptionally useful idiot and alibi for Zeman's autocratic assault on the hollowed-out institutions of a fragile democracy, including the institution of the public prosecutor itself.
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"Then there came a moment when the first shock had worn off and when, in spite of everything-in spite of their terror of the dogs, and of the habit, developed through long years, of never complaining, never criticising, no matter what happened-they might have uttered some word of protest. But just at that moment, as though at a signal, all the sheep burst out into a tremendous bleating of "Four legs good, two legs better! Four legs good, two legs better! Four legs good, two legs better!" ..."
In the past twenty four hours, the president has reinforced the suspicion that the state prosecutor and his ongoing investigations are nothing more than the means by which to justify an unscrupulous grab for power.
Miloš Zeman stated in parliament yesterday that he would wait until Ištvan had “solved the Nagyová case” before attempting to form a second government in the event that his first attempt failed -which of course it did last night.
Rather than protect the prosecutor from political interference, which is the president’s stated intention, Zeman would make the formation of a government dependent upon him and the outcome of his investigation. This places the prosecutor under extreme political pressure NOT to solve the case in good time, or indeed at all.
The perfect "cartel-ian" outcome no less. Zeman consolidates his dominance over his political rivals, who lose power but stay out of jail. Czech politicians do not imprison each other. This is not Russia or the Ukraine.
I have never doubted the willingness of Ištvan’s would-be protectors as well as his actual detractors to compromise the independence of the public prosecutor. But like many of you I cling to the somewhat forlorn hope that the prosecutor is acting in good faith, and not on the orders or the go-ahead of the head of state. It is a cruel irony that the verbal attacks against Ištvan by Kalousek, Blažek and others have served only to make the intentions of the president’s protection of Ištvan appear authentically democratic.
It now seems much more probable that Ištvan is merely a presidential tool, an exceptionally useful idiot and alibi for Zeman's autocratic assault on the hollowed-out institutions of a fragile democracy, including the institution of the public prosecutor itself.